WEBVTT

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So, I'll be speaking to you
using language ...

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because I can.

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This is one these magical abilities
that we humans have.

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We can transmit really complicated
thoughts to one another.

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So what I'm doing right now is,
I'm making sounds with my mouth

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as I'm exhaling.

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I'm making tones and hisses and puffs,

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and those are creating
air vibrations in the air.

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Those air vibrations are traveling to you,

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they're hitting your eardrums,

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and then your brain takes
those vibrations from your eardrums

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and transforms them into thoughts.

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I hope.

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(Laughter)

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I hope that's happening.

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So because of this ability,
we humans are able to transmit our ideas

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across vast reaches of space and time.

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We're able to transmit
knowledge across minds.

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I can put a bizarre new idea
in your mind right now.

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I could say,

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"Imagine a jellyfish waltzing in a library

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while thinking about quantum mechanics."

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(Laughter)

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Now, if everything has gone
relatively well in your life so far,

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you probably haven't had
that thought before.

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(Laughter)

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But now I've just made you think it,

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through language.

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Now of course, there isn't just
one language in the world,

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there are about 7,000 languages
spoken around the world.

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And all the languages differ
from one another in all kinds of ways.

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Some languages have different sounds,

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they have different vocabularies,

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and they also have different structures --

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very importantly, different structures.

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That begs the question:

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Does the language we speak
shape the way we think?

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Now, this is an ancient question.

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People have been speculating
about this question forever.

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Charlemagne, Holy Roman emperor, said,

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"To have a second language
is to have a second soul" --

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strong statement
that language crafts reality.

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But on the other hand,
Shakespeare has Juliet say,

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"What's in a name?

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A rose by any other name
would smell as sweet."

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Well, that suggests that maybe
language doesn't craft reality.

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These arguments have gone
back and forth for thousands of years.

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But until recently,
there hasn't been any data

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to help us decide either way.

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Recently, in my lab
and other labs around the world,

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we've started doing research,

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and now we have actual scientific data
to weigh in on this question.

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So let me tell you about
some of my favorite examples.

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I'll start with an example
from an Aboriginal community in Australia

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that I had the chance to work with.

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These are the Kuuk Thaayorre people.

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They live in Pormpuraaw
at the very west edge of Cape York.

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What's cool about Kuuk Thaayorre is,

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in Kuuk Thaayorre, they don't use
words like "left" and "right,"

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and instead, everything
is in cardinal directions:

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north, south, east and west.

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And when I say everything,
I really mean everything.

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You would say something like,

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"Oh, there's an ant
on your southwest leg."

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Or, "Move your cup
to the north-northeast a little bit."

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In fact, the way that you say "hello"
in Kuuk Thaayorre is you say,

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"Which way are you going?"

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And the answer should be,

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"North-northeast in the far distance.

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How about you?"

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So imagine as you're walking
around your day,

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every person you greet,

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you have to report your heading direction.

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(Laughter)

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But that would actually get you
oriented pretty fast, right?

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Because you literally
couldn't get past "hello,"

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if you didn't know
which way you were going.

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In fact, people who speak languages
like this stay oriented really well.

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They stay oriented better
than we used to think humans could.

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We used to think that humans
were worse than other creatures

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because of some biological excuse:

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"Oh, we don't have magnets
in our beaks or in our scales."

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No; if your language and your culture
trains you to do it,

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actually, you can do it.

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There are humans around the world
who stay oriented really well.

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And just to get us in agreement

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about how different this is
from the way we do it,

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I want you all to close
your eyes for a second

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and point southeast.

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(Laughter)

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Keep your eyes closed. Point.

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OK, so you can open your eyes.

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I see you guys pointing there,
there, there, there, there ...

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I don't know which way it is myself --

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(Laughter)

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You have not been a lot of help.

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(Laughter)

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So let's just say the accuracy
in this room was not very high.

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This is a big difference in cognitive
ability across languages, right?

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Where one group -- very
distinguished group like you guys --

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doesn't know which way is which,

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but in another group,

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I could ask a five-year-old
and they would know.

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(Laughter)

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There are also really big differences
in how people think about time.

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So here I have pictures
of my grandfather at different ages.

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And if I ask an English speaker
to organize time,

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they might lay it out this way,

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from left to right.

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This has to do with writing direction.

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If you were a speaker of Hebrew or Arabic,

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you might do it going
in the opposite direction,

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from right to left.

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But how would the Kuuk Thaayorre,

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this Aboriginal group I just
told you about, do it?

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They don't use words
like "left" and "right."

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Let me give you hint.

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When we sat people facing south,

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they organized time from left to right.

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When we sat them facing north,

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they organized time from right to left.

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When we sat them facing east,

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time came towards the body.

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What's the pattern?

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East to west, right?

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So for them, time doesn't actually
get locked on the body at all,

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it gets locked on the landscape.

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So for me, if I'm facing this way,

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then time goes this way,

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and if I'm facing this way,
then time goes this way.

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I'm facing this way, time goes this way --

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very egocentric of me to have
the direction of time chase me around

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every time I turn my body.

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For the Kuuk Thaayorre,
time is locked on the landscape.

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It's a dramatically different way
of thinking about time.

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Here's another really smart human trick.

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Suppose I ask you
how many penguins are there.

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Well, I bet I know how you'd solve
that problem if you solved it.

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You went, "One, two, three,
four, five, six, seven, eight."

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You counted them.

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You named each one with a number,

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and the last number you said
was the number of penguins.

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This is a little trick
that you're taught to use as kids.

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You learn the number list
and you learn how to apply it.

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A little linguistic trick.

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Well, some languages don't do this,

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because some languages
don't have exact number words.

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They're languages that don't have
a word like "seven"

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or a word like "eight."

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In fact, people who speak
these languages don't count,

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and they have trouble
keeping track of exact quantities.

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So, for example, if I ask you
to match this number of penguins

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to the same number of ducks,

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you would be able to do that by counting.

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But folks who don't have
that linguistic trick can't do that.

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Languages also differ in how
they divide up the color spectrum --

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the visual world.

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Some languages have
lots of words for colors,

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some have only a couple words,
"light" and "dark."

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And languages differ in where they put
boundaries between colors.

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So, for example, in English,
there's a word for blue

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that covers all of the colors
that you can see on the screen,

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but in Russian, there isn't a single word.

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Instead, Russian speakers
have to differentiate

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between light blue, "goluboy,"

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and dark blue, "siniy."

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So Russians have this lifetime
of experience of, in language,

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distinguishing these two colors.

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When we test people's ability
to perceptually discriminate these colors,

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what we find is that
Russian speakers are faster

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across this linguistic boundary.

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They're faster to be able
to tell the difference

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between a light and dark blue.

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And when you look at people's brains
as they're looking at colors --

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say you have colors shifting slowly
from light to dark blue --

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the brains of people who use
different words for light and dark blue

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will give a surprised reaction
as the colors shift from light to dark,

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as if, "Ooh, something
has categorically changed,"

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whereas the brains
of English speakers, for example,

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that don't make
this categorical distinction,

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don't give that surprise,

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because nothing is categorically changing.

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Languages have all kinds
of structural quirks.

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This is one of my favorites.

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Lots of languages have grammatical gender;

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every noun gets assigned a gender,
often masculine or feminine.

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And these genders differ across languages.

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So, for example, the sun is feminine
in German but masculine in Spanish,

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and the moon, the reverse.

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Could this actually have any
consequence for how people think?

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Do German speakers think of the sun
as somehow more female-like,

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and the moon somehow more male-like?

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Actually, it turns out that's the case.

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So if you ask German and Spanish speakers
to, say, describe a bridge,

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like the one here --

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"bridge" happens to be grammatically
feminine in German,

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grammatically masculine in Spanish --

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German speakers are more likely
to say bridges are "beautiful," "elegant"

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and stereotypically feminine words.

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Whereas Spanish speakers
will be more likely to say

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they're "strong" or "long,"

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these masculine words.

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(Laughter)

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Languages also differ in how
they describe events, right?

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You take an event like this, an accident.

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In English, it's fine to say,
"He broke the vase."

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In a language like Spanish,

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you might be more likely
to say, "The vase broke,"

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or, "The vase broke itself."

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If it's an accident, you wouldn't say
that someone did it.

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In English, quite weirdly,
we can even say things like,

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"I broke my arm."

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Now, in lots of languages,

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you couldn't use that construction
unless you are a lunatic

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and you went out
looking to break your arm --

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(Laughter)

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and you succeeded.

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If it was an accident,
you would use a different construction.

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Now, this has consequences.

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So, people who speak different languages
will pay attention to different things,

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depending on what their language
usually requires them to do.

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So we show the same accident
to English speakers and Spanish speakers,

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English speakers will remember who did it,

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because English requires you
to say, "He did it; he broke the vase."

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Whereas Spanish speakers might be
less likely to remember who did it

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if it's an accident,

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but they're more likely to remember
that it was an accident.

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They're more likely
to remember the intention.

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So, two people watch the same event,

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witness the same crime,

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but end up remembering
different things about that event.

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This has implications, of course,
for eyewitness testimony.

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It also has implications
for blame and punishment.

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So if you take English speakers

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and I just show you
someone breaking a vase,

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and I say, "He broke the vase,"
as opposed to "The vase broke,"

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even though you can witness it yourself,

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you can watch the video,

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you can watch the crime against the vase,

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you will punish someone more,

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you will blame someone more
if I just said, "He broke it,"

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as opposed to, "It broke."

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The language guides
our reasoning about events.

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Now, I've given you a few examples

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of how language can profoundly
shape the way we think,

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and it does so in a variety of ways.

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So language can have big effects,

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like we saw with space and time,

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where people can lay out space and time

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in completely different
coordinate frames from each other.

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Language can also have
really deep effects --

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that's what we saw
with the case of number.

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Having count words in your language,

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having number words,

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opens up the whole world of mathematics.

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Of course, if you don't count,
you can't do algebra,

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you can't do any of the things

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that would be required
to build a room like this

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or make this broadcast, right?

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This little trick of number words
gives you a stepping stone

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into a whole cognitive realm.

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Language can also have
really early effects,

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what we saw in the case of color.

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These are really simple,
basic, perceptual decisions.

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We make thousands of them all the time,

00:11:39.107 --> 00:11:40.924
and yet, language is getting in there

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and fussing even with these tiny little
perceptual decisions that we make.

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Language can have really broad effects.

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So the case of grammatical gender
may be a little silly,

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but at the same time,
grammatical gender applies to all nouns.

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That means language can shape
how you're thinking

00:11:58.374 --> 00:12:01.261
about anything that can be
named by a noun.

00:12:02.185 --> 00:12:03.514
That's a lot of stuff.

00:12:04.449 --> 00:12:07.706
And finally, I gave you an example
of how language can shape things

00:12:07.730 --> 00:12:09.366
that have personal weight to us --

00:12:09.390 --> 00:12:11.966
ideas like blame and punishment
or eyewitness memory.

00:12:11.990 --> 00:12:14.154
These are important things
in our daily lives.

00:12:16.153 --> 00:12:21.154
Now, the beauty of linguistic diversity
is that it reveals to us

00:12:21.178 --> 00:12:25.125
just how ingenious and how flexible
the human mind is.

00:12:25.775 --> 00:12:30.306
Human minds have invented
not one cognitive universe, but 7,000 --

00:12:30.330 --> 00:12:32.688
there are 7,000 languages
spoken around the world.

00:12:34.010 --> 00:12:35.687
And we can create many more --

00:12:35.711 --> 00:12:38.794
languages, of course, are living things,

00:12:38.818 --> 00:12:42.584
things that we can hone
and change to suit our needs.

00:12:43.786 --> 00:12:47.269
The tragic thing is that we're losing
so much of this linguistic diversity

00:12:47.293 --> 00:12:48.444
all the time.

00:12:48.468 --> 00:12:50.360
We're losing about one language a week,

00:12:50.384 --> 00:12:51.850
and by some estimates,

00:12:51.874 --> 00:12:55.141
half of the world's languages
will be gone in the next hundred years.

00:12:55.966 --> 00:12:58.788
And the even worse news is that right now,

00:12:58.812 --> 00:13:02.520
almost everything we know about
the human mind and human brain

00:13:02.544 --> 00:13:07.572
is based on studies of usually American
English-speaking undergraduates

00:13:07.596 --> 00:13:08.920
at universities.

00:13:10.742 --> 00:13:14.275
That excludes almost all humans. Right?

00:13:14.299 --> 00:13:19.270
So what we know about the human mind
is actually incredibly narrow and biased,

00:13:19.294 --> 00:13:22.530
and our science has to do better.

00:13:25.987 --> 00:13:28.246
I want to leave you
with this final thought.

00:13:28.270 --> 00:13:31.783
I've told you about how speakers
of different languages think differently,

00:13:31.807 --> 00:13:35.091
but of course, that's not about
how people elsewhere think.

00:13:35.115 --> 00:13:36.534
It's about how you think.

00:13:36.558 --> 00:13:40.164
It's how the language that you speak
shapes the way that you think.

00:13:41.070 --> 00:13:43.646
And that gives you the opportunity to ask,

00:13:43.670 --> 00:13:45.741
"Why do I think the way that I do?"

00:13:45.765 --> 00:13:47.361
"How could I think differently?"

00:13:47.908 --> 00:13:49.273
And also,

00:13:49.297 --> 00:13:51.024
"What thoughts do I wish to create?"

00:13:51.842 --> 00:13:53.001
Thank you very much.

00:13:53.025 --> 00:13:55.781
(Applause)